One of Gimhae Arport’s X-ray machines detected several “unusual objects” in a Japanese tourist’s bag, which turned out to be six leather bags packed with a kilogram of methamphetamine each, destined for Busan’s burgeoning tweaker trade.
Some men and women from China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea), the Philippines, Mongolia, Japan, Vietnam, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Colombia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Pakistan, Russia, Timor-Leste, and Uzbekistan are subjected to forced labor in South Korea; some women from these countries are subjected to forced prostitution.
The Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to sex trafficking and forced labor. South Korean women are subjected to forced prostitution in Korea and abroad, including in the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia, Hong Kong, Dubai, Taiwan, and Macau.
Some women enter destination countries on tourist, work, or student visas, and are subsequently forced into prostitution in massage parlors, room salons, bars, restaurants, or through internet-advertised escort services.
Many victims are coerced into prostitution by loan sharks, to whom the victims owe debts, and entertainment establishment owners, who work with loan sharks. Traffickers threaten victims with deportation, harm to family members, or seizure of passports
South Korean children are increasingly vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation through online recruitment. Some 200,000 South Korean girls run away from home annually; in need of money for living expenses and shelter, some are subjected to prostitution. Family members or Korean criminal networks recruit children from Southeast Asian countries with false promises of employment and subsequently force them into prostitution in South Korea.
South Korean men engage in child sex tourism in Vietnam, Cambodia, and the Philippines. Some Korean fishing crew members engage in commercial sex with children in Kiribati.
NGOs and media alleged officials from the Korean Media Rating Board (KMRB), part of the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism, granted women E-6 entertainment visas, knowing the women were at risk of being sexually exploited, forced into prostitution, and held under debt bondage
More than 2,500 foreign women face debt bondage in “juicy bars” near U.S. military bases. Some women from Mongolia, Laos, and Nepal are recruited for marriage to South Korean men through international marriage brokers and are subjected to forced prostitution or forced labor subsequent to their arrival.
An NGO reported that the national government maintains a list of massage parlors that subject blind masseuses to forced prostitution, and allegedly enjoy official sanction or protection. Another NGO reported the municipal, provincial, and national governments owned land in the red light district of Yongjugol, Gyeonggi Province. Women in the red light districts are forced into prostitution through debt bondage and confinement, and they reported that police officers do not enforce anti-trafficking laws, but instead frequent brothels themselves.
South Korean men remain a source of demand for child sex tourism in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, traveling primarily on travel-agency-organized golf group tours or business trips.
However, the government has not prosecuted or convicted any Korean sex tourists during the past seven years.
The ROK is not a party to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.
Recommendations for the Republic of Korea:
Become a party to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.
Kiribati is a source country for girls subjected to sex trafficking within the country. Crew members, mainly South Korean men on foreign fishing vessels in Kiribati or in its territorial waters around Tarawa, exploit children. A local NGO has reported that as many as 50 I-Kiribati girls, some as young as 12, may be subjected to forced prostitution in local bars, hotels, and aboard vessels.
According to data released by the Seoul Metropolitan Government (SMG) on Wednesday, 49.4% of male respondents age 15 to 19 said that they are “positive” about going under the knife to improve their appearance.
32.6% of Korean males aged 20-60 also declared that they are “positive” about using plastic surgery to improve their appearance.
A 2011 survey found that personal vanity was the greatest concern for for males age 15 to 19, with appearance being ranked Korea No. 3 with study No. 1 and career No. 2.
The weak economic outlook in Korea has forced companies to favour cheaper, younger recruits over more expensive older employees.
About 56 percent of total requests from recruiters for the first five months of 2014 were for workers with less than five years experience.
The Korea Customs Service has seized 40.4 kilograms of methamphetamine in the first 6 months of 2014.
The amount of methamphetamine smuggled within the past six months has already surpassed the total for all of 2013.
The number of drug-smuggling cases uncovered by the Korea Customs Service has risen from 150 in 2009 to 232 in 2012.
In an interview with Naver sports columnist Lee Young-mi, Ahn Sun-ju described playing in Japan as a liberating experience. She said that when she competed in Korea, her ability as a golfer was never enough.
“Some (potential Korean) sponsors even demanded I get a plastic surgery and for other favors,” she said. “Companies did not consider me as a golf athlete, only that I was a woman. It mattered most to them was whether my appearance was marketable. I was deeply hurt by that.”
Ahn Sun-ju, 26, has won 16 tournaments, including three this year, and banked 500 million yen (about $5 million) prize money since joining the JLPGA in 2010.
While Ahn definitely has the talent to extend her dominance to her home country, do not expect her to visit Korea anytime soon due to the unreasonable demands of Korean businessmen.
Ahn her made pro debut with the KLPGA in 2006 and won six tournaments before jumping to the JPLGA. But despite her stellar play, she struggled to find a corporate sponsor in Korea.
“As you can see, I do not have a pretty face, I am not thin, I am not what you would call sexy,” Ahn said. “But does that mean I shouldn’t be playing golf?
“Japanese companies, on the other hand, focused on my ability as a golfer. They are more concerned about my performance and how I treat my fans. I am being sponsored by six Japanese companies, including a clothing brand.”
According to the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office, Thursday, a 37-year-old woman, surnamed Lee, sued former Vice Justice Minister Kim Hak-eui on Tuesday, insisting that she was raped by Kim at a villa owned by businessman Yun Jung-cheon in Gangwon Province and that Kim recorded the incident.
She also accused Yun Jung-cheon, who was placed behind bars last year for fraud, breach of trust and other illicit acts, of taking part in the videotaping of Kim raping her.
The controversial video footage that reportedly showed Kim having sex with a woman surfaced last year, attracting keen public attention. The footage led the prosecution to begin a probe. Kim faced allegations that he had sex with a women hired by Yun and used illegal drugs in parties held at the businessman’s vacation home in Gangwon Province between 2006 and 2008. However, Kim was cleared of charges in November.
The prosecution said it tracked Kim’s whereabouts at the time of the incident through mobile phone positioning and found he was elsewhere. Investigators closed the case, citing a lack of evidence. It also said the statements of witnesses were inconsistent. At the time, Lee said the woman appearing in the footage was not her.
However, Lee changed her story and now says that it was her having sex with Kim. She also accused Yun of forcing her to have sex with five businessmen.
In a recent interview with a local daily, Lee said she decided to come clean as it was hard for her to live a normal life without revealing the truth. ”I decided to ask the prosecution to reopen the case because I wanted people to know the truth. I don’t want to hide anymore. I haven’t committed any crime and will not be held down like a slave,” Lee said.
The prosecution said investigators will go over Lee’s petition to check whether there is something uncovered by the previous investigation.
World Naval Developments – June 2014, by Norman Friedman
Late in June Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced that Japan would modify its military policy to make contributions to collective defence permissible.
In the past, the ‘Peace Constitution’ has been interpreted to prohibit anything but direct self-defence, which is why the Japanese military is the Self-Defence Force (at one time even the right to self-defence was questioned by some Japanese). Mr. Abe outlined four possible scenarios for such action, including assisting the United States against both ballistic missile attack and attacks on US warships.
The idea of collective defence goes much further. It might include the creation of a Far Eastern collective defence organization of like-minded governments. The Japanese have already decided that they can sell arms to countries not engaged in war. The combination of Mr. Abe’s declaration and the arms sales decision might enable Japan to build a kind of Far Eastern NATO. That would not be irrational for the Japanese, considering that Japan depends heavily on seaborne traffic, much of it moving through South Asian waters.
For some time proponents of a more active Japanese military stance have pointed out that modern technology makes it more and more difficult to distinguish between offense and defence, and between defence mounted entirely from Japanese soil and collective defence in more forward areas. For example, many of North Korea’s missiles seem to be aimed at Japan as much as at South Korea. However effective a Japanese missile defence shield may be, attacking some of these missiles at source might be a valuable form of defence.
Similarly, Japan depends on seaborne imports for her survival. Convoy operations may seem to be the appropriate form of defence, but it is not clear that they would be entirely effective against fast nuclear submarines. In that case, the best defence might be to attack the enemy’s submarines somewhere closer to their bases. Would such operations be offensive or defensive? If Japan’s US ally were conducting them, would Japanese participation be appropriate or even necessary? As Chinese military power grows, at what point should Japan take up more of the burden of measures which ultimately protect her?
The US government, which has long hoped that Japan would take a more active role in defending the Far East, applauded Abe’s action. Japan is already involved in the US ballistic missile defence program, and Japanese ships have participated in maneuvers alongside the US Navy. The Japanese have also provided valuable logistical support, for example in the Middle East. Japanese policy has gradually expanded the definition of direct defence of the country.
For example, Japan accepted that maritime defence had to extend out to at least 1000 nm, and that in turn justified the construction of helicopter-carrying destroyers, the latest of which are clearly helicopter (and perhaps STOVL) carriers. A realist contemplating the Chinese navy would have to point out that the potential threat to Japanese shipping includes missile-carrying bombers as well as submarines. During the Cold War the US Navy concluded that missile-armed surface ships were not enough to deal with the analogous Soviet threat. Carrier-borne fighters were essential. Japan may be edging towards building carriers. Would they be offensive or defensive? Is the distinction meaningful?
The Chinese were predictably furious at Mr. Abe’s announcement. Japan is the only Far Eastern country which has the resources to stand up to the growing Chinese military machine. If economics were the sole determinant in forming alliances, and if only a Chinese threat mattered, Japan would become the core of a Far Eastern alliance including India, Australia, and Korea.
Early in the Cold War the US Government tried to create a Pacific equivalent of NATO anchored on Japan. In fact, Japan was and is proportionately far more powerful in the Far East than Germany was and is in Europe. The idea failed because proposed alliance members (Australia and the Philippines) were more worried about a resurgent Japan than about the apparently more abstract threats posed by Mao’s China and Stalin’s Soviet Union. Even South Korea, which really had felt the effect of Communist aggression, was unwilling to join with its former occupier. The brutalities of the past were just too close. As recently as 2012, the Korean government found that popular pressure blocked an agreement to share intelligence with Japan. The South Korean government was notably unhappy at Mr. Abe’s announcement.
The problem lies in the past, and in the uses different governments make of it. By the end of World War II, the Japanese were saying that they had fought a just war to liberate Asia from Western colonialism. Many of those they had liberated had fared rather badly during the war; the Japanese were at least as brutal as those they displaced. However, when the war ended, in some places the Japanese handed over power to anti-colonial movements. They can, for example, take considerable credit for the emergence of Indonesia and Vietnam as independent countries. This just-war message is displayed in detail at Yasukuni, the Japanese war memorial.
Those badly victimized by Japan during the war find this less than palatable. Wartime Japanese brutality may be explainable by the exigencies of war, but Koreans remember 40 years of Japanese colonial rule, culminating in horrific atrocities. In recent years they have been particularly infuriated by Japanese refusal to apologize for the forced prostitution of hundreds of thousands of Korean women during World War II.
The Chinese situation is no happier. World War II in the Far East began with Japanese invasions of Manchuria and then of China proper. In China the Japanese committed numerous atrocities, beginning with the Rape of Nanking. Ultimately the war cost at least 15 million Chinese lives. The struggle against Japan holds particular significance for the current Chinese Communist government. It has long used the war as a unifying national theme, claiming that the wartime Communists were particularly effective in resisting the Japanese. It seems that Chinese nationalism, as symbolized by the fight against Japan, has been promoted particularly actively in the quarter-century since the Tien-an-Men Square massacre (June 1989, with related massacres in other Chinese cities). It does not help that Prime Minister Abe has visited Yasakuni (despite, incidentally, US government advice not to go). The Japanese argue that Yasakuni is a privately-run museum and shrine, hence does not reflect official policy.
It seems unlikely that the Japanese will retreat under Chinese pressure. Presumably the Chinese are looking for ways to preclude the formation of a Japanese-led anti-Chinese alliance. They may see South Korean hatred for Japan as a valuable fulcrum. At one time, Koreans felt dependent on the United States to stave off the North Koreans. Given their very considerable economic strength, they are increasingly independent-minded. For example, for years US policy was deliberately to limit the ranges of South Korean missiles, for fear that the South Koreans might turn their attention to their old enemy, Japan.
In recent years the South Koreans have broken free of US-sponsored limits. Ironically, some of their missiles are described as relatives of Russian weapons; the Russians sold weapons to Korea because they owed South Korea so much hard currency. The irony is that Russia is also the main weapon supplier to North Korea. In 2015 South Korea is to take over command of the joint UN (mainly Korean and US) force in that country.
Reportedly the South Koreans are developing a pre-emptive concept called ‘Kill Chain,’ which they see as a deterrent against a North Korean attack. Anyone looking at the possibility of a Chinese-South Korean alignment might ponder the visit of the current Chinese President to Seoul without any visit to Pyongyang. In the past, Chinese Presidents have certainly visited Seoul – but they have been careful to visit North Korea first.
What should we do? We certainly do not want the Chinese to run us out of the Far East, as they appear to want to do. That requires that we reassure our friends in that vast area. We typically imagine that countries are either on our side, neutral, or hostile. That omits the possibility, which the Korean and Japanese cases illustrate so well, that countries friendly with us may wish to erase each other. We are already familiar with this sort of situation in the Middle East, but it is much more universal than we may imagine. How do we sustain a necessary degree of power in an area without being crippled by local enmities?
Air-Sea Battle proposals often include dispersal of US ground-based combat aircraft throughout the Far East, so that they are difficult to destroy on the outbreak of war. That may or may not be a very good idea. For example, dispersed aircraft entail disproportionately high support costs. Modern ground bases are not so easy to conceal, and they don’t move at high speed. What typically is not taken into account is the politics of such dispersal. Placing military assets on someone else’s soil requires his permission. Governments usually extract a veto on operations undertaken from their soil. In 1986, US bombers based in the United Kingdom were deployed in a strike against Libya. British permission apparently was not sought, and the result was a much-reduced US air footprint in the UK – and rules which made it impossible to repeat a unilateral strike.
Perhaps it is time to remember that our naval forces are sovereign territory, the only kind from which strikes of any kind can be mounted without someone else’s permission. Carrier battle groups are hardly inexpensive, but it is well to remember a history of governments denying us the use of bases on their territory. Again and again our experience has been that once we show that we can act unilaterally, other governments (in whose interest it would be to act) decide to join us. That was certainly the case during both Gulf Wars. When we applaud Mr. Abe’s initiative to join in collective defence, it may be well to understand that he may see participation as valuable leverage. To the extent that he provides essential support, he can help decide what we can and cannot do. The same might be said of others in the region, such as the Koreans.
*Norman Friedman is author of The Naval Institute Guide to World Naval Weapon Systems
Ada Liu (34) met Korean singer Hwang Chansung (24) when they were participants on the Chinese dating entertainment show “If You Love.”
She told the press, “I’m thankful that the program introduced me to someone who shines so much and makes my heart throb.”
“My boyfriend has met my parents, and my parents liked him.”
Chan-sung’s seniors at agency JYP Entertainment (whose owner is a nephew-in-law of fugitive ferry owner Yoo Byeung-eun) were quick to deny Hwang’s love for Liu with the implication that the relationship was only for publicity purposes for the Chinese Noona Market.
Park Jin-young has engaged in strenuous activity to deny the jilted noona story of Ada Liu. Park Jin-young’s time and energy would be better spent helping Korean law enforcement authorities catch his fugitive uncle-in-law, Yoo Byung-eun, the owner of the ferry that sank with the loss of more than 300 lives, many of them children, on 16 April 2014.
Park Jin-young’s agency in further neglect of aiding in the capture of fugitive ferry owner Yoo Byung-eun, have expended enormous amounts of time and energy in promoting Chansung’s 2PM stablemate and fellow noona idol Nichkhun.
“Nichkhun has established himself as an actor through ‘One and a Half Summer,’ and became a new rising star in China. Please root (sic) for his success,” his agency JYP Entertainment is quoted as saying.
In 2013, 1 in 6 marriages in Korea were Noona Marriages and TV dramas and songs that highlight this phenomenon have become popular marketing techniques for selling young Korean male entertainers into Chinese and Japanese Noona markets.
All the members of 2PM, except Minjun, have assiduously courted the Noona Market as can be seen from this transcript of an interview with Ginger Magazine.
Wooyoung: Age wise, it would be about 5 years older than me.
Taecyeon: It’s the same for me. I am okay with someone 10 years older.
Chansung: .I don’t care about age.
Junho: I don’t make a fuss over age too.
Nichkhun: I love older women in general.
Minjun: Her outer appearance should be cute with a lovely smile. If on the inside, she has good judgement and is able to hold her own opinion then that’s perfect!
Following the failure of the City of Busan to persuade foreign theme park owners, such as Disney and Universal Studios, to invest in the designated tourism precinct in the east of Busan, Korean entertainment agencies are considering forming a consortium to construct Noona World, to attract Chinese and Japanese noonas to provide employment for young Korean men, thousands of whom have left Busan over the last decade to seek similar work in Seoul. The consortium is also considering the formation of a super group to be called Noona Boyz.